South African Notions of Femininity

When apartheid collapsed in 1994, the South African market boasted only three women’s magazines (Glenn). Today, there is a proliferation of such magazines on the shelves, mostly due to the import of international brands like Marie Claire, Glamour, and Shape. Yet rather than import the international editions, publishes its own versions of these magazines. These imported titles are forced to negotiate a space between being faithful to their mother brand and adapting to a new South African context.

Assuming that magazines, as a popular form of mass media, have a certain cultural significance in society whereby they represent and help to shape the values and lifestyles of their readers, I believe it is possible to look at the ways in which these South African editions are constructed for insight into their local context. I believe the differences between South African magazines and their sister magazines in other countries are indicators of cultural difference.

In this paper, I will compare Marie Claire magazine in and in the . Marie Claire entered the South African market nine years ago, and was the self-proclaimed “glossy with brains”, famous worldwide for its journalism and originally borne out of the feminist movement (Brokensha). Editor Suzy Brokensha says that Marie Claire magazine has three focuses: “intellect, emotion, and fashion”. I will be looking at the treatment of all three of these in my analysis.

All thirty-six version of Marie Claire around the globe claim the same type of reader. However, if the readers were the same, why would the content differ? The differences in the American and South African versions have greater implications and say a great deal about the differences in American and South African women.

Magazines as a Cultural Signifier

Before looking closely at the magazines, I feel it is necessary to outline some of the theories on which my research is based. One of the methods of research I used was the semiotic approach to media studies outlined by Marcel Danesi. Based on the belief that “human intellectual and social life is based on the production, use, and exchange of signs” (28), I see magazines as laden with signifiers of femininity, so by studying these signs and their particular manifestations in each country’s magazines, I am consequently studying the images and definitions of femininity put forth by each publication.

The significance of these connections is large because the relationship between these signs and their meanings is “determined by social convention” (31) and thus by determining what that relationship is, it is possible to gain insight into the social context in which they exist. The semiotic approach to studying media aims to look for these signs, their meanings, and their origins – are they recycled from other areas of discourse or are they created by the media for a new purpose? What connotations are associated with the various signs? How do they function in relation to other signs?

Interpretation of these signs is dependent on a multitude of determinants like age, sex, gender, history, ideology – and in this way, the context in which they are produced becomes enormously important. Danesi notes, “extraction of meaning from specific media products is depended upon knowledge of how they are linked within a specific culture” (206). Thus, looking at signs, their meanings, and the context in which they function, media becomes a “social text” which both reflects and produces culture.

It is using these various signifiers that women’s magazines construct a particular image or notion of femininity. By showing and telling readers how best to dress, behave, and even think, collectively, the signs in magazines define what it is to be a woman. The cover alone serves to represent this universe by presenting an ideal image of womanhood, be it an actual cover model or a symbolic representation of femininity. For example, magazines that focus largely on domesticity might have a perfectly baked and decorated cake on the cover. The ideal woman, this implies, is she who has mastered her domestic skills and can produce cakes like these. Or, as is the case in most magazines these days, a cover model stands in for the ideal woman – presenting either a sexy image, or a friendly image or as sophisticated image depending on the particular definition of femininity that that magazine presents. Together with everything else inside of the magazine, both form and content, it creates an exclusive woman’s domain where “every picture encapsulates and idealises an aspect of femininity” (Ferguson 164). This study attempts to find the encoded notions of femininity in Marie Claire in and in to see how these differ, and why.

In examining the construction of femininity in women’s magazines, Marjorie Ferguson, who worked in the magazine industry in the UK for ten years during the 1970s, sees it as a “cult of femininity” whereby a woman can worship her own society through its religious observances, and acquire that society’s essentially social concepts through them” (11). By the very existence of the magazine, she argues, female solidarity is taken for granted, and women are granted access into this “cult” at birth. Yet, birthright alone does not guarantee their success. “Being ‘good’ at being a woman involves doing womanly things at regular and appointed times. The rituals attached to beautification, child-rearing, housework and cooking attest to this symbolic order” (7). Of course, Ferguson was writing in the early eighties. We can update this to include not only domestic rituals, but also careers and possibly, depending on the magazine, political or civic involvement.

Ferguson sees magazines as “agent’s of socialisation” (2) concerned with imparting the rituals of femininity upon their readers. They serve as primers to readers on how to achieve success, wealth, happiness, and beauty, as well as defining these ideals. Thus there is a certain reciprocity between the magazines and the worlds they exist in.

In their construction of femininity, too, is the marked absence of difference. They transcend fractures within female society like class or race, probably because it is more economically viable for them to reach out to as broad an audience as possible. Yet, and this often comes up in feminist critiques of women’s magazines, this notion of homogeneity in women’s society can be confining, not allowing for deviation from the ideal. Whether defining standards of beauty or the roles that women should occupy, they can often do as much damage as good.

Nevertheless, in recent years, the emphasis has been on empowering women and the overwhelming media attention given to the perpetuation of stereotypes (especially in regards to thin models, and the unattainable standards of beauty pictured), magazines have made an effort to encourage all readers’ identification. The diversity in race and body types of models is one manifestation of this. Ros Ballaster, et al., in an essay “A critical analysis of women’s magazines” talks about the use of present tense and second person pronouns, and first person narrative stories of ‘real’ people in an attempt at “personalizing” the magazine and encouraging reader identification.

In an effort to be ‘real’, too, magazines need to reflect, at least in part, the reality that they are produced in. Just as Danesi defines them as a “social text”, they are truly a product of their time and place. Sonja Laden notes that magazines are “a shared repertoire of everyday experiences, lifestyle options, and social practices” and embody ideals and values that are “tacit knowledge shared by virtually everyone in a given culture” who is part of whatever group the magazines proposes to represent (249). Thus, she argues, consumer magazines often provide us with more truthful insight into workings of these societal groups than do political publications. Their power lies in that “they confirm existing cultural repertoires and options and formulate new ones, and as effective modeling apparatuses they inspire cultural reordering and revitalization” (250).

Ferguson also calls magazines a “social institution” involved in “shaping the characteristics of femininity because they themselves are part of, and contribute to, the culture of society as a whole” (6). In her research, she looked at content trends in American and British magazines in the decades following World War II. In the fifties and sixties, magazines reflected the dominant image of woman as mother and housewife. As women’s rights gained momentum, the magazine’s “daring, experimentation continued, culminating in the new trends which had emerged by 1974. These were: greater sexual explicitness, representing a wider range of the permissible; acceptance of, and hard nosed advice about, women’s home and paid work roles; discussion of forms of partnership alternatives to marriage; and increased coverage of social policy issues affecting women” (85). To illustrate the change she uses an example in Women’s Own. Before the war, she found articles like “Should a Wife Make-Up?”, whereas in the seventies, the sentiment had changed and articles like “Going it Alone – and Loving It” began to predominate (12).

The power of the women’s magazines, then, is evident in both their ability to reflect and reinforce existing values and lifestyles as well as their power to shape them. Yet, although much has been written on magazines, little has been written or discussed in terms of South African magazines. Since a decade ago only three women’s magazines existed, this is understandable. In “The Glossy Posse”, Ian Glenn and Annabel Cunningham scratch the surface of this new area of study. They talk about market determinants, and how the emergence of competition, the emigration of many upper class white South Africans at the end of apartheid, and the makeover that newspapers have undergone, adding features and supplements, have had a huge affect on the women’s glossy market, one that looks to end in a slow death for its publishers. However, to balance this loss of readers, Black women in the country are getting better educations and economic empowerment, and have increasingly been entering that middle-class bourgeoisie that Laden talks about as being magazines’ core consumers.

In order to deal with these changes and the more basic issues concerning cultural difference, the new glossies in this country, most here for less than a decade, have had to adapt a primarily American/British form to fit local audiences. These changes have manifested themselves in many ways. In their own study, Glenn and Cunningham say they found that the “old oppositions between brains and beauty, or between health (inward, exercise, good food, natural, true) and cosmetics (external, applied, unnatural, false) don’t seem to bother” South African Readers readers. More pressing to a local audience are issues such as “momentous changes in racial and political status”, emigration, and HIV/Aids. As far as fashion magazines go, there is little need for high fashion in a country where those clothes and designers are not available.

Taking the media and magazine theory and Glenn and Cunningham’s research as a base, I began my own study. I looked at three American and three South African Marie Claires from 2005 in terms of both form and content. I was fortunate enough to meet with the editor-in-chief of Marie Claire South Africa who helped me work through my thoughts and discoveries, and provided insight which only experience in actual production could possibly offer.

Cover Design

The cover of a magazine serves as its primary advertisement on the store shelves. The South African market has a small percentage of subscription sales, so first impressions can often make or break a sale. Indeed, while talking about cover models alone, Suzy Brokensha says that in the South African women’s glossy market, putting a local star rather than an international star on the cover will decrease sales by 30,000 for that month, a risk she herself has not been willing to take with Marie Claire.

Being that the market in demands an international star, it would seem that the design would closely match other nations’ as well, and in many ways it does. Both countries use bright, bold, vibrant colors in high contrast- bright pinks, blues, reds. Solid backgrounds and contrasting text make the design eye-catching. The overall effect gives a contemporary, youthful impression.

In terms of cover models, both countries use three-quarter shots of celebrities, although the way they are pictured differs slightly. While American cover models have a very friendly, inviting look, the South African models are just a touch sexier. Not sexy in a porn-star way, but sexy in a very feminine way, and with modest clothes to balance out the impression. Except, that is, for June, the most recent issue, which took the American cover of Cameron Diaz from May. Still, even using the same exact cover photo, the South African edition enlarges it a little, bringing Cameron and her sexy red satin dress closer to the reader – evoking a more intimate connection, and uses yellow text rather than blue in complement to the red background. While the blue almost tempers the sexuality of the red, the yellow seems to enhance it – red and yellow are symbolic of excitement and danger.

Once the aesthetics are established, the question of celebrity arises. As noted, putting a local star on a South African cover almost certainly means significantly fewer sales for that month. In , this is not as much of an issue, as long as the celebrity is well known in , the magazine will sell. Of course, with the responsible for so much of the world’s entertainment, especially television and radio, ‘local’ stars tend to be international stars anyway.

The importance of an international celebrity on South African covers is deeper than one might think. On the surface alone it is logical to have international models since the main celebrities – in music, television, and film – are imported. In addition, the South African glossy market, Glenn argues, suffers from a strong “me-tooism” with “magazines shamelessly imitating ideas from one another so as not to let anyone get aâÂ?¦competitive edge.” It follows that if one magazine has a hugely popular international star, then the others would want stars of a similar caliber, so to speak, because the biggest star is going to make the best first impression, and be the most appealing.

More than star factor and measure of fame, though, a deeper reason for having a major international star resonates with a uniquely South African audience. Brokensha notes that international titles often have an easier time selling to a post-apartheid South African society because they lack any racial or political association. While an Afrikaans magazine is sometimes still associated with the apartheid regime and its oppression, international titles are appealing in that they have no such stigma attached. International cover models enjoy that same freedom. In a country with so much racial tension, while magazines – a predominantly white, middle-class medium – reach out to a broader, more diverse audience, international models, even if white, are seen as more or less “colorblind”.

In both magazines, though, international or local, Marie Claire covers always feature recognizable celebrities. Several times in our discussion of the magazine, Brokensha talked of Marie Claire standing for the empowerment of women. Celebrities are, without question, powerful women. Rather than an anonymous beauty, the reader’s first exposure to each month’s edition is someone they recognize as being strong, confident, and independent. This all ties into the magazine’s image. McCracken argues that covers establish the tone of the magazine and also label the consumer who purchases it. The consumer who picks up Marie Claire is already establishing herself as confident and independent, and wants to read a magazine reflecting those values. If women’s magazines promote a specific notion of femininity, the cover model is the embodiment of this, and representative of the ideal woman.

After the initial aesthetic evaluation of the cover, the consumer then reads the headlines themselves. Brokensha says that decisions regarding headlines, especially their placement and formatting are partly thematic and partly aesthetic. For example, if a particular headline looks best in the top right, that’s where it goes, although to the best of their ability, the publishers try to position them strategically according to content. For example, they try not to have two heavy investigative articles next to each other. At the same time, Brokensha notes, the reader rarely reads in a logical progression from top to bottom or left to right but rather skips around the page according to where her eye is drawn first. Often the darker text is read before the lighter colored text, big before small. Essentially, Brokensha said, the cover design is more about aesthetic appeal than thematic form.

Still, looking at the cover text, certain trends emerge in both the South African and American editions. The American covers clearly emphasize sex and beauty. The biggest headlines, always on the bottom right, always relate to fashion, and have a large number featured which concerns things to buy or “looks” (which of course, in the article, tells readers what to buy to achieve these looks). For example, May has “792 Best Buys – Dresses, Bags, Shoes UNDER $100” and February features “1216 Beauty and Fashion Ideas”. Other featured words on the American covers are Hair and Sex. Brokensha notes a study conducted several decades ago on women’s magazine covers which found that the four most effective cover words were “hair, shoes, chocolate, and sex”. Apparently the American editors still follow this adage. In fact, on the February Cover, the big headline on the top left reads “Hair Special” in all capital letters with “Hair” in bold, and the next headline down is “What’s sexy now?” with “sexy” in yellow italics (in contrast to the white letters of the rest of the text”. Underneath “What’s sexy now?” are three points: “Your sex horoscope”, “The only sex you need”, and “Where sex is a patriotic act”. Again, the word “sex” stands out because it is both italicized and written in yellow. When more serious investigative articles are featured on the cover, they are in the smallest text, on the top right or bottom left – typically the last two spaces a consumer’s eyes would scan.

South African covers are similar, but definitely highlight the international investigations and serious stories more. There is less of a difference in text styles, with most of the text the same size, maybe one or two bigger features. This gives an equal weight to all of the cover text, although it may not be as sexy or dynamic. Of course, that is balanced out by the sexier glances of the models themselves. This seems to hint at a more mysterious sexuality contained in the South African notion of femininity. Also, there is much less of an emphasis on shopping, which, Brokensha notes, is particular to the American version of Marie Claire. At the same time, though, Brokensha said that the magazine will soon be focusing more on fashion and shopping than in the past, hence the very large “fashion force” headline on the cover of the June issue.

The fact that the South African covers always put an international feature on their cover points to the South African awareness of the world. Marie Claire readers are curious about the world, and aware of international events and politics. It is this “outward focus” (Brokensha) that compels them to buy Marie Claire rather than Cosmopolitan or Glamour, and it is a large part of the identity of the magazine. Thus, the South African cover already establishes the focus of the magazine as global in scope and more attractive to its target audience.

The “Glossy with Brains”

Of the three focuses of Marie Claire, I looked at its appeal to intellect first. In editor’s letters to both American and South African readers, the editors of both versions, Lesley Jane Seymour and Suzy Brokensha, respectively, discuss what it is that distinguishes MarieClaire readers from the rest of the ordinary world. In May 2005, Brokensha writes, “we know who our readers are: fashionable, intelligent women who want to be stimulated both visually and mentally” and adds that, “Marie Claire has always combined inspirational fashion and beauty with groundbreaking reportage”.In the same month, across the globe, Seymour concurs. Marie Claire, she says,”caters to a woman interested in more – in women’s lives around the world, how they live, how they love, how the dress”. As a magazine, as a brand, Marie Claire claims to be for an intelligent, world-aware reader and boasts “groundbreaking reportage” that you will not find in other women’s glossies.

Although I am not doing a comparison of Marie Claire to other glossies on the market and so cannot speak to the superiority of the reporting in this magazine, both countries make an effort to include serious reports, many with an international focus. The articles always concern other women, and how they live. Because Marie Claire does emphasize women’s empowerment, they often feature abused or neglected women, or women faced living in atrocious conditions who become empowered, or who find a sense of their own self-worth and so serve as inspiration to Marie Claire readers. Most articles also feature personal anecdotes of women in the situation reported. First-person accounts help establish an intimacy characteristic in all women’s magazines because it encourages a closer identification by the reader to the subject (Ferguson 165). Triumph in the face of hardship is itself a source of empowerment, and the personal accounts make it even more real for a far away reader.

Around the world, this rings true, and in each country, editors often use successful stories from other issues which they feel will resonate with their readers. For instance, Brokensha recalls an article on dry sex that Marie Claire South Africa ran early this year which the American magazine took from them for a later issue. Similarly, the June 2005 South African edition took not only the cover image of Cameron Diaz but also the feature story about her “wild ride to save the planet” (Marie Claire South Africa June 2005, Cover). The difference comes in that decision of whether or not to take a successful article. What makes an article in another country relevant or not to a South African readership? What are the differences in the issues they present?

The American Marie Claire places a huge emphasis on human rights violations. This is not surprising given the political culture of the . Human Rights is somewhat of a buzz word in contemporary , and the political agenda of President Bush pretends to position as a watchdog for human rights worldwide. Conveniently leaving out stories of GuantanamoBay, then, the American Marie Claire taps into this omnipresent sentiment in their readership. Told on a daily basis by the media that Americans must save the world from their problems, readers are anxious to learn about different injustices around the world and how they can help. In this regard, too, the American Marie Claire fulfills expectations, almost always including a text box at the end of the article about ways to help – giving readers websites and addresses of various charities and non-profit organizations that help whichever cause has been highlighted.

The May issue of the American Marie Claire featured an article, “Stop the Rape, Torture & Abduction of Chechen Women” (122-123). Since 1994, when fighting between the and began, it says, more than 5000 people have been unlawfully detained. Human rights groups say the detainment is merely an excuse for the Russian government to torture innocent women. Citing various human rights groups and Amnesty International, the article gives a very brief summary of the abuses, followed by a personal account of one woman whose husband was “executed” by Russian soldiers and who was forced to flee to with her three daughters while her son stayed to fight with the resistance. The article and, more so, the first-person account of Larisa pull at the readers heart-strings, especially when she brings her children into the conflict. The “What You Can Do” text box urges women to contact Vladimir Putin through a website organized by Amnesty International USA and Marie Claire. By helping the women in , readers are able to feel themselves empowered.

A March article, “Where Men Fear to Tread” (86-90) highlights women only spaces in poor countries around the world: , , , Bali, , and . Featuring many quotes to help personalize the stories, most of these spaces exist as sanctuaries against the abuse and harassment the women encounter in their day-to-day lives when they are exposed to men. Most of them come from oppressed societies and have overcome their oppression, at least enough to carve out a space to be safe in and have their own identity. One woman in India who packs into a Ladies Only train which runs at 143% capacity, is happy riding to work each day because “We feel safer away from men” (88). In , wedding parties are strictly divided by gender, but “In the comforting familiarity of female company, free of all the rules that confine their sexuality, Afghan women dance” (89). This article does not need to give readers ways to help because they already feel inspired and empowered by the strength of these oppressed women.

South African magazines run very few human rights stories in comparison. The themes of the stories are much more diverse. They will range from a very serious local story about HIV to a more sensationalistic story about people who fall in love with their siblings or parents, to a collection of sex tidbits from around the world.

In April, it ran a story on ‘s Rich. The cover said “Bizarre Ways Super-Rich Russians Get Their Kicks” and the title was “Cheap Thrills: Why Russia’s Rich are Paying to be Poor”. The article started reporting about rich Russians who, bored with their privileged life, pay agencies to put them into drastically different situations. However, beyond the first part, the rest of the article is almost exclusively on how rich Russians pay agencies to create alibis for them to have illicit affairs (24-27). In May, too, it ran similar story that concerned excess of wealth and questionable behavior. “The Leader, the Wife, and the Lost Millions: The Controversial Life of Arafat’s Widow” talked about Suha Arafat’s strange relationship with the previous leader of the Palestinians (38-42). Then again, in that same issue, it ran a story on international births – showing ten different births with personal pictures and short quotes from the parents.

When Marie Claire South Africa does publish stories with a human rights angle, they are local rather than international investigations. The May 2005 edition has an article about domestic workers with HIV. The article was put together in its entirety using only first person stories, both of domestic workers and their employers. Besides the obvious relevance of the article given the prevalence of HIV in this country, the existence of article itself says something about South African culture in bringing up the huge gap between social classes. Obviously targeting an upper-middle class audience that has the means to employ domestic workers, it also brings into account the difference – not only economic – between the social classes in this country. The possibility of an employer having HIV is not even acknowledged. Furthermore, all the employers shown are white, and all the domestic workers with HIV are black. If that’s not South African, I don’t know what is.

Another local investigation deals with the issues that township women face. “Veiled Hope: Why Township Women are Turning to Islam” in the April Marie Claire talks about the fact that because the townships are such a dangerous and oppressive environment, women are turning to the conservativism and protection of Islam as a sanctuary. Interestingly, the article never touches on the religious elements of converting to Islam but rather the lifestyle change – because that is what is attractive to the women in townships. Although, as the article acknowledges, “Women embracing Islam is usually the last thing you read about in the media,” (58) it talks of a liberal form of Islam emerging in Soweto and other parts of South Africa which, to the contrary, empowers women in these situations. The clothing serves as a “liberating force, giving them a sense of self-empowerment” it says. One woman notes, “You don’t hear of any Muslim girls being raped around here”(58). Islam in this context gives women a way out of abuse, rather than reinforcing it, and tells them that “they are not a commodity who can be pushed and shunted around” (59).

The differences in themes and content say a lot about South African life. When the South African Marie Claire does focus on human rights, it is often local, and pertains strictly to a South African context. The would never publish a story about violation of human rights in . It rather focuses on how horrible conditions are for women in Third World countries, especially those in the Middle East. The difference is a direct manifestation of the political environment of each country. is obsessed with ‘spreading democracy’ and helping the oppressed in other countries, and with the war in the Middle East, the media already focuses on these issues in this area. on the other hand, after a long struggle against an oppressive regime, is still publicly battling with its own issues and fighting its own demons.

“Compassion fatigue,” Brokensha said when we discussed the types of articles that would be relevant to a South African audience. That is, South Africans have exhausted their desire to read certain types of stories. After so many years of hearing about the oppression of this group or that group, about the ills of society, and after finally having some measure of peace and democracy and some hope of equality in the future, South Africans have no need to help other countries – there is so much of that left to do here, let alone all that has already been accomplished. Apparently, at a global conference of all the Marie Claires, they discussed this issue. In choosing stories, the only other version that made the same choices as was . Brokensha noted the similarities between the two cultures in that both have a large gap between the rich and the poor, and large numbers of poor, uneducated, disadvantaged people. In both countries, the readers are already inundated with local problems and the editorial choices both magazines make reflect this local sentiment. If women need to be needed, to help others, in order to gain a feeling of empowerment or self-worth, South Africans have already fulfilled that need and more. There is no market for bleeding-heart stories of other nations’ troubles. Of all the causes in the world, the most pressing, for a South African audience, are those that exist right here – like HIV, or townships.

“Why are you still single?”

A large part of women’s magazines is devoted to first-person accounts. Ballaster discusses this intimate tone and how it unites all women under the pretense of shared experience (91). From stories of overcoming adversity, to relationship dilemmas, to “I had an $800 haircutâÂ?¦and it was worth every penny” (Marie Claire United States May 2005), true-life stories inspire and help to foster an intimacy and sense of trust. True-life stories are not the only way to target the emotions of readers, though. Obviously the international reports, especially the human rights stories in the States tug at readers’ heart strings. More than that, though, all women’s magazines, Marie Claire being no exception, help women negotiate the space of all different types of relationships. The ways in which these are set up define what is acceptable and appropriate for that set of women. While the diversity of true-life accounts is consistent in both magazines, the ways in which they treat various relationships is very different.

Born, as it was, out of the feminist movement (Brokensha), the American Marie Claire assumes all women to be career woman. If they are wives and mothers as well, all the better, but first and foremost is their identity in the workplace. Editor Lesley Jane Seymore, in the May 2005 Editor’s Note, reminisces about the original French Marie Claires from the 30s and 40s, specifically “how clearly they still embody the wonderful spirit of the American Marie Claire woman today.” In her next sentence she lists the very first characteristic of the French and American Marie Claire woman, calling her the “average working girl”. In February 2005, a feature article, “Could a Bad Mom be Good for You?” (88-90) talks about characteristics of women who grew up with neglectful or abusive mothers. Each characteristic, like “You’re a good caregiver”, relates that characteristic to the workplace, saying how it will benefit the daughter in her career. In that case, it notes that, “Some of the most professionally successful women today work in medicine, social work, and counseling – careers centered on caregiving” and that “the world is run by adults who step up to the plate” (89).

When family issues are brought up in the American Marie Claire, they are brought up in the context of having a career, talking about life as a balancing act between work, relationships, and family. One article which did not directly pertain to American women but obviously chosen by the editor to be relevant to an American audience, was about women and their work having taken precedence over family. “Where Having Sex is a Patriotic Act” (February 2005 77-80) reports on the population crisis the Singapore people are facing because women are choosing careers over motherhood and even marriage. One woman says, “Women have worked hard to build their careers, and they don’t want to go back to the traditional lives their mothers had” (90).

Even in international reporting, while the South African magazine often centers on marriage or kids – the exclusive sphere of domesticity – such as “When surrogacy turns sour” (June 2005 48-52), “The leader, the wife and the lost millions: the controversial life of “Arafat’s widow (May 2005 38-42), or “Could you fall passionately in love with your brother?” (April 2005 40-44) which discusses a disease which makes people fall in love with not only their siblings but also sometimes their parents or offspring, the American Marie Claire focuses almost exclusively on female to female friendship and support-type relationships like the March article about ladies-only spaces around the world (“Where Men Fear to Tread” 86-92).

Looking only at the covers, when, if ever, the American magazine headlines an article about men or relationships, it is in the smallest text. The February cover has “You voted: The Top Sexiest MenâÂ?¦Inside” in tiny text matching the date of the magazine fit tightly above the title and the May issue doesn’t have any text about men or relationships at all. The only headlines the does print that involve heterosexual relationships are those that are related to sex. The South African magazine cover does not explicitly focus on sex, but the American magazine absolutely does, with sex often being the biggest or fanciest word on the cover, and usually appearing at least a couple times. However, in the actual magazine, sex is always treated in terms of the woman’s pleasure, so it is still a more inward looking, female focused type of relationship.

In February, the American magazine ran a story, “Could you masturbate for six hours straight?” (160-163). The author of the article went to the competition as a participant and relates her experience. Although some couples did attend, she went to pleasure herself solo, although her boyfriend did come for support. Masturbation is purely about selfish pleasure and being able to participate in a competition and then write about it for a major publication shows a huge amount of confidence and self-worth. She begins the article, “I admit it: I masturbate. Regularly. With gusto,”(162) and ends, “I came. I saw. I conquered” (163)[1]. Throughout the article, the emphasis is on “I”, herself, her pleasure and her accomplishment.

A similar article ran in March, titled “3 couples. 2 days of sex. Who had the most orgasms?” which was a competition between couples to rack up the greatest number of climaxes in forty-eight hours. Although this time the man was giving pleasure, and so this competition was slightly less focused on the woman, only the woman’s orgasms counted. This is obviously placing a premium on woman’s desire, a reversal of the male-centric discourse of sexual pleasure.

Returning to the cover, the increased focus on the self in the versus is apparent in the headlines about cover celebrities. The American covers feature Jennifer Garner, “I’m loving my life now” (February 2005) and Cameron Diaz “On secret passions and her life changing journey” (May 2005). Even when they do mention relationships it is in a less celebratory context, like Debra Messing’s March cover “On bad blind dates and Hollywood’s dangerous body obsession” which also touches on the need for body confidence. In stark contrast are the South African magazines, like April’s Kylie Minogue which reads, “Kylie: Kids and Marriage: ‘I should be so lucky'”, obviously placing an emphasis on domesticity and interdependence rather than independence.

Looking inside the magazines at these articles, the same thesis holds true. In the Jennifer Garner article, for example, rather than a straight profile, Jennifer visits a home for teenage ex-prostitutes and helps them foster a sense of self-worth without men. They make collages “that reflect their hopes and dreams” (66). The article notes that she adds to her collage, “Could you live in a world without men?” (87).

The South African Kylie Minogue article is very different. Like the headline advertises, the article, “Intimate Kylie” (36-39) focuses on her desire to have a family, which is “not as easy to control as a career”(36). It touts her as representative of her entire generation, thereby implying that if you are of Kylie’s generation (which most of the readers are), and you don’t feel strongly about the need for children, than you are not normal. Talking about her ability to manage a successful career in entertainment versus her failure to start a family, she says “I can turn up and perform on a given date, but I can’t do the more important things in my life to a schedule” (36) which clearly prioritizes family above career. After a “man map” that tracks all of Kylie’s relationships over the past twenty-five years, the article concludes that “What Kylie does next is loaded with implications for her generation” (39) again asserting that idea that every woman should want what Kylie wants – a husband and children.

Then there are the types of articles found in the magazines that are all but absent in the American Marie Claire altogether. These are articles like “How to pull a millionaire” (May 2005 54-57), and “Why is she still single?” (April 2005 46-50). These articles put forth a wholly different notion of femininity than do articles like “3 couples. 2 days of sexâÂ?¦” In these, the focus is on women pleasing men rather than the reverse.

In “How to pull a millionaire”, Adalina Dijuella, a 21-year old model and student, changes her image in order to fit the desires of four different millionaires. After completely changing her hair and clothes, she looks to each millionaire for their stamp of approval. They tell her what they think of her old look (presumably her own authentic look), and her altered look. The very concept of the article reinforces a male-centric universe where a woman’s own identity is irrelevant in a relationship.

In “Why is she still single?”, the family and friends of Naledi Moloto, a 30-year old career woman critique her lifestyle and personality and comment on what she is doing wrong in her life, all based on the fact that she has no partner. When Naledi talks about her relationship status, the reporter asks, “where have you been going wrong?” (48) implying that her independence is “wrong” and that she is at fault. To give the article credit, her mother does stand up for her, saying “I wish for her to be happy without sacrificing who she is” and “As long as she’s happy, we’re happy”, but the others are more critical.

The South African Marie Claire seems to put forth contradicting notions of femininity in this regard. Although they are vocal advocates about the empowerment of women, the subtext in many of their articles still reinforces the old notions of women being less important than men and of needing men to be happy.

“Fashion Force”

The June issue of Marie Claire South Africa makes a bold statement in having “Fashion Force” as its leading cover headline. For the first time, the magazine is moving towards a more international fashion spread, more in the direction of other versions of Marie Claire, especially the American version. Yet, even with a larger fashion section, the South African magazine still includes far less fashion, beauty, and shopping content than its American sister.

Losing readers to fashion magazines like In Style, the American Marie Claire has had to emphasize fashion and shopping in recent months. The cover reflects this. Almost all the headlines, certainly the biggest ones, are related to fashion and beauty and most of the magazines content is as well. Each cover boasts a large number of beauty or fashion ideas as its biggest headline, like February’s “1216 Beauty and Fashion Ideas” or May’s “Fashion and Beauty: 792 Best Buys.” As I already wrote, the cover text on the South African Marie Claire is much more diverse.

Inside, too, the greater emphasis on fashion in is evident. In this analysis I grouped fashion, beauty, and shopping together. In the three issues I looked at, February, March, and May 2005, there were 52, 89, and 62 pages directly related to these subjects, respectively. In , for April, May, and June, there were 36, 36, and 44 pages, respectively. Even the biggest fashion issue, obviously being June with its new shift towards international fashion, had less than the smallest fashion issue in the States. The difference is manifested, too, in the content pages. In the American magazines, the content pages are together in one spread, two pages left to right, so that the entire content spread can be seen at once. Thus, fashion and beauty get an equal space to the other content categories. Until June (which, in adding a weightier fashion section also adopted this format), the South African Marie Claire had a content page that was back-to-back so that the first half of the contents was viewed first, then the page had to be flipped over to see the fashion and beauty sections, relegating these to a space of lesser importance.

One reason for this difference is availability. You just cannot buy runway fashion in . The abundance of designer clothes showcased in the American magazine, as in others around the world, like Gucci, Michael Kors, and Louis Vuitton (and those are only the best known names) are just not available to nearly the same degree. Even when Brokensha spoke about adding an international fashion spread into June, she noted that it will only be for readers to admire, because unless they are traveling to Europe or elsewhere, they won’t be able to duplicate those looks. Until readers expressed interest in seeing the international shoots, Brokensha did not include them because it seemed like a tease and irrelevant to a South African audience.

Another reason is the editorial decision to keep an investigative, feminist angle to the magazine in . The American magazine had more of this focus before, but the loss of readership to fashion magazines forced it to shift focus. The South African version is not pressured in this way, and so can afford to have less fashion and shopping in its pages.

Contradictory notions of femininity

From all of these aspects of the magazine begins to emerge an image of the ideal. By putting emphasis on certain aspects of femininity and leaving out others, each magazine, both in the and constructs a slightly different definition of femininity. As much or more than magazines may influence culture and behavior, they reflect the environment in which they are produced (Ferguson 85).

Therefore these different notions of femininity are telling signs of cultural difference. The South African woman that Marie Claire presents is one who is possessed with a mysterious or subtle sexuality, like the cover models whose eyes glance at the reader with a sultry gaze, but whose clothes and makeup are modest and unassuming. She is intelligent and aware of the world, “curious” as Brokensha says. She wants to be inspired by tales of other women in her situation and in situations much more difficult than she could imagine by herself, yet she is tired of hearing endless sob stories, and does not want to be bombarded with charity cases any more. She is uniquely South African in her “compassion fatigue”. She is fashionable – growing more so as she begins to look outward at the rest of the world’s style. She is healthy and self-confident.

Yet the notion of femininity that the South African magazine puts forth is also riddled with contradictions about the role of women in society. Perhaps because there are so many different cultures with such strong beliefs in this country, or perhaps for other reasons, it does not seem to be able to decide if a woman is truly independent, or only independent amongst other women, still subject to the overriding desires of men. While the South African Marie Claire talks vocally about empowerment, and tells stories of women who have triumphed over adversity, often in the face of the men who oppress them, it also has articles like “Why is she still single?” which seem to work against any notion of female empowerment.

Yet, at the same time, the South African magazine is less focused on appearance and fashion. It seems that you need to be wealthy to really enjoy the American Marie Claire with its emphasis on shopping and designer brands. Its emphasis on beauty may make some readers feel envious or even less of a woman if they feel they do not conform to the high standards set.

Perhaps the contradictory nature of the magazine is more insightful than it appears. In many ways, women are split between various notions of femininity. They are at once asked to be mother and wife and also independent career woman. They are supposed to be beautiful, but also low-maintenance. They are on a budget, yet images of beauty are always expensively dressed. They are supposed to put themselves first, and yet show compassion for the rest of the world. In the end, it comes down to something Suzy Brokensha told me: “feminism means women have the right to choose.” Marie Claire South Africa does not present any cohesive, concrete notion of femininity but rather attempts to show its readers what choices exist.

Works Cited

Ballaster, Ros, et.al. “A critical analysis of women’s magazines”. pp.87-96.

Baehr, Helen, and Ann Gray. Turning it On: A Reader in Women & Media. London: Arnold, 1996.

Brokensha, Suzy. Editor of Marie Claire South Africa. Interview. 17 May 2005.

Danesi, Marcel. Understanding Media Semiotics. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002.

Ferguson, Marjorie. Forever Feminine. London: Heinemann, 1983.

Glenn, Ian, and Annabel Cunningham. “The Glossy Posse”.

Laden, Sonja. “Making the Paper Speak Well”. in the Global Imaginary.

Eds. Leon de Kock, Louise Bethlehem, and Sonja Laden. pp.248-277.University of , Unisa Press, 2004.

Marie Claire. February 2005. New York: Hearst Communications Inc., 2005.

Marie Claire. March 2005. New York: Hearst Communications Inc., 2005.

Marie Claire. May 2005. New York: Hearst Communications Inc., 2005.

Marie Claire South Africa. April 2005. Cape Town: Associated Magazines (Pty) Ltd., 2005.

Marie Claire South Africa. June 2005. Cape Town: Associated Magazines (Pty) Ltd., 2005.

Marie Claire South Africa. May 2005. Cape Town: Associated Magazines (Pty) Ltd., 2005.

McCracken, Ellen. “The cover: window to the future self.” pp.97-100.

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[1] In both cases, italics were from original text.