Appalachian Americans: The Invisible Minority
Appalachians have low educational attainments, high poverty rates and poor health standards; they are under-represented in politics, are subject to many negative stereotypes; and face language and dialect problems when communicating with others. This essay argues that Appalachians are a distinct cultural group, who have experienced oppression and marginalisation similar to that endured by racial and ethnic minorities such as the African, Native and Mexican Americans. The major concern raised is that, while it is no longer considered socially acceptable in mainstream America to make racial slurs or attribute a lack of intelligence to ethnic minorities, use of terms such as: ‘hillbilly,’ ‘redneck,’ ‘white trash,’ and ‘trailer trash,’ and their connotations of ignorance, incest, inferior genetics, poor hygiene and more, is common in American academic circles, politics and especially the media (Mahaney, 2003; Bauer & Growick, 2003; Heilman, 2004). The inclusion of Appalachians in multicultural texts, research and academic discussion is imperative for this group to escape the cycles of poverty, ignorance , racism, and poor health so pervasive in the hills of Appalachia and the ‘urban hollers’ many have migrated to.
From the 1600s to the late 1800s, Appalachians lived in an almost unchanging world; the technological advances of the era went largely unused and unnoticed by them. The implications of this will be visited when discussing the historical reasons for some of their cultural patterns. In terms of modern Appalachian culture, however, the obvious place to begin is the late 1800s, a time when large-scale extractive logging and coal mining by English-owned companies “left little behind for these mountain people but poverty, convalescing clearcuts, and stripmined landscapes” (Byers, n.d.). These poignant folk lyrics by Ernie Ford encapsulate much of what it meant to be an Appalachian fifty years ago:
Move sixteen tons, and what do you get? Another day older and deeper in debt. Saint Peter don’t you call me ’cause I can’t go. I owe my soul to the company store… (Ford, 1955; Full song in Appendix I).
This particular verse refers to a payment system used by mining companies. Instead of paying miners in cash, they would issue a private currency called scrip, which was only redeemable at the company store, thus forcing Miners to purchase food and supplies from the organisation, “which had prices as much as fifty per cent higher than privately owned stores” (Rorrer, n.d.). The mines also owned all the surrounding land and houses, which allowed them to charge miners exorbitant rental rates (Rorrer, n.d.). Any dissent, such as union strikes or pickets, was immediately quashed. Coal companies hired thugs to intimidate both miners and outsiders who might bring attention to exploitation that bordered on slavery. Union members’ houses “were raided by dozens of machine-gun-carrying deputies. Miners were beaten and murdered…” (Rorrer, n.d.). Trucks carrying food to starving miners were blown up, relief workers were arrested on false charges, and reporters were beaten and forced to leave town (Rorrer, n.d.). Sometimes less direct methods were used. For instance, the British firm, American Association Ltd., would appeal to the Appalachians’ patriotism, religiosity and cultural loyalty by claiming that unionism was a form of communism, and was therefore “anti-religious, foreign, and un-American” (Ng, n.d.). Even outside support for the miners was ideologically manipulated by the companies, to depict reporters and investigators as rich ‘city-folk’ or ‘outsiders,’ who invaded their mountain retreat. This created “a culture-based division of mountaineers v. outsiders” (Ng, n.d.). Instead of helping oppressed workers, the government played a vital role in perpetuating their struggle by assisting the mining companies (Maggard, 1993). As the well-respected Appalachian scholar Herbert Reid puts it, “Some of the most drastic impacts of state-assisted coal-industry policies rationalized by the technological worldview and capitalist ideology will be found in this US region” (Reid & Taylor, 2000).
The mass Appalachian exodus that began at this time is hardly surprising. Millions poured into Midwestern cities like Chicago, Cincinnati and Detroit, creating entire urban neighbourhoods with a distinct Appalachian culture. Most of these neighbourhoods remain in extreme poverty (Schwartz, T., 2003; Heilman, 2004; Mahaney, 2003; Whelan, 2003). It is in these urban settings that the most blatant discrimination against Appalachians usually occurs. Instead of being recognized as a legitimate cultural or ethnic minority, they are ostracized by derogatory slurs like ‘white trash’. Whilst this sort of bigotry is now considered unacceptable – even unlawful – in America, these stereotyped images “have particular power within the context of North American racism because Appalachians are, inaccurately, viewed as homogeneously white” (Reid & Taylor, 2000). Appalachians are thus forced to either bury their culture, or remain ‘ignorant,’ ‘inbred,’ and ‘violent’ in the eyes of American society. As Tammy Schwartz notes, “Many schools serving marginalised children operate using middle class ideologies… urban Appalachian girls must cross the boundaries between home and school discourses, and in doing so, make choices among conflicting identities,” (Schwartz, T., 2003). Interviews with teachers in schools serving urban Appalachian students found that, even after their multicultural communication courses, teachers often made broad inequitable statements like, “We have a big group of trailer trash in this school,” and “These city hillbilly kids are the real bottom of the barrel, if you know what I mean” (Heilman, 2004).
These sentiments are deeply ingrained in American history. For centuries politicians displayed prejudice towards Appalachians, making comments like “[They are] the lowest scum and rabble…” “the vilest tricking and cheating… people into whose heads no means can beat the notion of a public interest or persuade to live like men,” and “the laziest two legged animals that walk erect on the face of the Earth. Even their motions are slow, and their speech a sickening drawl… a natural stupidity or dullness of intellect that almost surpasses belief,” (Heilman, 2004). Although Appalachians are considered ‘white Americans,’ such statements reek of racist social Darwinism. The centuries-old stereotype that anyone with an Appalachian accent possesses a “natural stupidity,” is still perpetuated by the media. Television shows like “Beverly Hillbillies”, “Green Acres” and “Hee Haw” have been described as “the most intensive effort ever exerted by a nation to belittle, demean and otherwise destroy a minority people within its boundaries” (Bower & Growick, 2003). In one night of reruns, hillbillies are shown being conned into buying the White House, cuddling a talking pig, and rising from a corn patch “to cark the sickest jokes on TV…” (Bower & Growick, 2003).
Appalachians are statistically one of the most exploited and marginalised groups in America. One author compares Appalachia to “a third-world country where those who control local government end up with all of the wealth and see to it that those with no power are segregated, marginalized, and ignored. Its social institutions just don’t work and democracy doesn’t have a chance” (“Social apartheid,” n.d.). Many would argue that such disparities are class and geographical issues, rather than a result of minority discrimination. However, not only do Appalachians come from historically marginalised ethnic groups (although many of them do not claim to identify with anything other than ‘whiteness’), but they are also part of a markedly different culture than the ‘average’ American. They have their own music, history, art, tradition, literature, dialect, religious beliefs, and ideas of ecology, justice, education and health. Appalachians in general, “experience unique and different ways of life than most Americans” (Bower & Growick, 2003). It is important then, to explore Appalachian society, and compare it to the dominant ‘white American’ culture, so that we might redefine the social construct of ‘Appalachian’ as more than just a poor white person from a certain area.
The family, or “kin”, as a working unit, is an important part of Appalachian-America (Bower & Growick, 2003). For example, each family member often has designated chores which must be done every day, and which often take precedence over other matters such as studying or doctor appointments (Bower & Growick, 2003). This prioritising was probably born out of necessity in the 1600s, when providing food and shelter in such a secluded and harsh habitat would have required everyone’s participation. A close-knit family is not generally a matter of necessity today, but remains important to Appalachians. A personal anecdote may help emphasise this point. My father, who has lived in the mountains of Kentucky most of his life, has only ever given me one piece of advice: “There ain’t nobody you can trust in this world except your family.” There are a number of reasons why someone might develop such a postulate. It could be based on personal experience, or it might be something learned through the process of enculturation. Appalachians have a long history of being exploited by ‘outsiders,’ beginning with the logging business, then coal mining, and now the extraction of natural gas (Ng, n.d.; Rorrer, n.d.). This could have easily had a negative impact on their view of the outside world. Cultivation theory might also help explain these beliefs. Many rural Appalachians have never ventured beyond their own state, and some have not even been outside their home county. With the media constantly bombarding Americans with images of urban violence, it is easy to see how this might produce a ‘mean world’ syndrome. Perhaps this is one of the reasons Appalachian children are expected to follow in their parents’ footsteps (Bower & Growick, 2003). For instance, “Blue-collar jobs are not only acceptable, but at times are highly encouraged in lieu of seeking higher education if the education would remove the individual from the family unit and geographical area” (Bower & Growick, 2003). Many of them think people in the “big city” will mug, rape, belittle and take advantage of them; it is much safer to stay at home with a family you can trust. Meanwhile, the dominant American culture is one which portrays college as a time when young adults are encouraged to leave the nest, often attending universities on the other side of the country, and in some cases – the world (“Son leaving for college,” 2003).
Unlike urban areas, where there is a stigma attached to social welfare, “volatile employment in mining, combined with high levels of coal-related disability has meant that receiving public assistance is widely accepted and not stigmatised” in rural Appalachia (Bower & Growick, 2003). Similarly, and for many of the same reasons, bootlegging (production and sale of home-brew alcohol in dry counties), and marijuana growing and selling are considered ‘respectable businesses’ in many parts of rural Appalachia (Websdale, 1995). This affects the social structure of the community, and the expected roles of its individuals, by reducing the motivation to seek a better life through legal alternatives. Drug trafficking and bootlegging are by no means considered ‘respectable’ or even acceptable in the dominant American world view, where role expectations regarding employment come largely from a Protestant work ethic and, more recently, a capitalist mentality.
Appalachians have distinct speech patterns, usually regarded as ‘slow drawls’ but often mistaken for ‘southern twangs’ by the dominant culture. These speech patterns take on another form for the urban migrants, but remains distinct from other urban speech patterns, using colloquial words such as: ain’t (is not), y’all (you all), y’uns (you ones or you guys), warsher (washing machine, note the ‘r’), tater (potato) etc. This is often referred to as ‘hillbilly slang,’ which is unfairly associated with low intelligence,” (Bower & Growick, 2003; Schwartz, T., 2003). Many urban Appalachian youth are now mixing Appalachian slang and dialect with that of the urban African-American culture, as demonstrated by the lyrics of artists like Eminem and Kid Rock – both from urban Appalachian-American communities in Detroit.
Appalachians are patriotic, and consider themselves ‘proud Americans’ (Ng, n.d). While the dominant American culture is also patriotic, there seems to be much less political activism and dissent in Appalachia, possibly because rebellion among mine workers has been severely punished in the past, thus making opposition to the dominant regime less palatable to Appalachians than other white Americans (Rorrer, n.d.; Ng, n.d.). Their American pride is sometimes expressed in the form of racism, where non-whites are seen as being inferior, or intruders. The cause of racism and xenophobia is almost always a result of one culture misunderstanding another. While America has been described as a melting pot, with large populations of Chinese, Indian, Mexican and other immigrants, Appalachia has remained relatively secluded and sheltered from these cultures, and therefore not able to understand them. One would be hard-pressed to find a curry restaurant in South-eastern Kentucky. Cultural seclusion creates a breeding ground for racist ideologies, and many Appalachians have fallen victim to this narrow-mindedness. Ironically, such bigotry plays a vital role in keeping Appalachians from being recognized as a legitimate minority. In a sense, racism takes on the form of self-imposed shackles by making many Appalachians vehemently deny they are anything but quintessential white Americans.
Appalachians have a strong sense of community, even when in urban settings. Residents in each neighbourhood usually know each other by name, and will often take care of each other in times of crisis (Schwartz, T., 2003; Whelan, 2003). This would suggest they are part of a stronger collectivist culture than mainstream America, in which urban community members often do not even know their next-door neighbour’s name (Buschman, 1995).
Competitiveness and boasting tends to be frowned upon in rural Appalachia, and although success is not discouraged, people are expected to play down their achievements and not act as if they are ‘above’ everyone else (Bower & Growick, 2003). A commonly heard phrase is “Don’t get to big for your britches.” It is likely that suspicion of success is partially a result of overwhelmingly unequal power distribution between Appalachians, the mining companies and the local elites (Ng, n.d.; “Social apartheid,” n.d.). This is in stark contrast to the dominant culture’s view of success, which motivates workers to climb the corporate ladder and compete in a “dog eat dog world” (Gomez, n.d.).
Religion is valued highly in rural Appalachia, even to the point of extreme tests of faith. For instance, certain Pentecostal sects will handle snakes as a way of demonstrating their faith in God’s protection and healing powers. Those who are bitten are not taken to hospital. If they die, it is considered the will of God (Smith, 1998; Brown, n.d.). Although it has roots deep within religious beliefs, they may have arisen because hospitals have been, and continue to be in many cases, few and far between (Bower & Growick, 2003). In places with little or no access to healthcare, the thought of healing via miracle is universally appealing. Such extreme forms of Pentecostal fatalism are usually confined to remote areas, although churches remain a strong force throughout the region and within the urban satellite communities (http://www.arc.gov/index.jsp). Even in the urban setting, however, one often hears the statement, “I’ll die when it’s my time to go.” By contrast, the dominant American culture recognizes the importance of health care, and even its devout Christians will usually seek medical attention or pharmaceutical drugs for most illnesses.
Similarly, another often heard belief in rural Appalachia is “Natural medicine is better than the chemicals them doctors try and feed you”. Again, having little access to institutional healthcare would have had a major role in the development of this cultural postualate. It is interesting to note that natural medicine is making a comeback among urban, white, middleclass neo-organicists and environmentalists, while folk medicine has maintained a strong foothold in Appalachia for centuries (“History of naturopathic medicine,” n.d.), (“Medicine and health care,” n.d.), (Mahaney, 2003). One study on a rural population in Tennessee “revealed that 68 percent of the all white inhabitants believed the devil made people sick” and “33 percent still used folk remedies,” (Mahaney, 2003).
United States is home to many co-cultures. The fact that one group does not fit perfectly into the construct of ‘Americanism,’ does not necessarily merit a full-scale revision of multicultural paradigms. However, as the preceding discussion has demonstrated, Appalachians are not even close to representing the dominant white American culture – other than the colour of their skin and country of birth. Furthermore, there is an ever-increasing amount of evidence suggesting that they have a unique ethnic lineage. This begs the question: why are they not considered in American multicultural studies? Two communication theories, symbolic interactionism and social constructionism, are important tools in helping us explore this question.
Symbolic Interactionism is “the process of interaction in the formation of meanings for individuals” (“Symbolic Interactionism,” n.d.). One of its core principles is language, which “gives humans a means by which to negotiate meaning through symbols” (“Symbolic Interactionism,” n.d.). When we engage in speech acts with others (symbolic interaction), we come to identify meaning. This theory helps explain how Appalachians are not accepted as a distinct cultural group, while their speech patterns and geographical locations push them into the ‘others’ classification (where they are subsequently marginalised). We lack the symbols in our language to accurately describe a situation in which people exhibit racist tendencies towards ‘others’ of the same race. Therefore, the thought of white Americans discriminating against white Americans is considered an absurdity. Our world view tells us that if we lack the words to describe something, it mustn’t exist.
Social Constructionism is closely related to symbolic interactionism, in that it deals primarily with words, and how they represent certain ideas. It is an epistemological position that tries “to account for the ways in which phenomena are socially constructed” (“What is Social Constructionism,” n.d.). This approach helps one understand how Appalachians are kept from being recognized as a legitimate and homogeneous cultural group because, over the years, Americans have constructed ideas like ‘white trash,’ and ‘hillbilly’ to demean the group, while keeping them within the confines of another social construction – ‘white American’. Indeed, even the concept of race “is now understood as a social construct created to rationalize oppression” (Heilman, 2004). When Americans think about what it means to be oppressed, most rely on these social constructions rather than evidence of oppression. Even though Appalachians have been exploited, marginalised, had their power stripped from them, been subjected to violence and cultural imperialism, ideas of ‘whiteness,’ ‘American,’ and ‘race’ keep us from seeing them as an oppressed group. Instead, they just become ‘poor white people’.
Both theories are valuable tools in unravelling this complex issue, but they also share a common deficiency. In its own way, each emphasises language over the historical causes of that language. It is true that language shapes perception – but history shapes language. While these theories can tell us how Appalachians are kept in their situation by the dominant culture, it does not explain how or why these double-standards in the status quo were implemented in the first place. To do this, the theories might need to incorporate a certain degree of Marxism, and put the evolution of this linguistic quagmire into a historical context, possibly beginning with the affluent slave-traders’ creation of a false racial unity, for the purpose of making Appalachians identify with upper and middle-class whites, when culturally, economically and historically they were closer to non-whites. This might not have been the case, but is an example of the many complex historical explanations that both theories fail to explore. Nevertheless, they are invaluable when discussing how Appalachians are marginalised today.
Ideally, Appalachians should immediately be given the same opportunities, respect and consideration as members of the dominant culture, as well as governmental reconciliation of some kind, such as academic scholarships and affirmative action. However, as it is still considered taboo to suggest that fair-skinned people have been discriminated against such drastic measures may create animosity towards Appalachians among other minorities and the dominant culture. Instead, what they are in most need of is a platform to support their fight for equality. Because Appalachians are not considered to be anything other than ‘poor whites,’ this platform does not exist for them. Their poverty and position in society is thought to be their own fault, not a result of discrimination and oppression. Introduction of Appalachian culture and history into multicultural academics, discussion and politics will gradually produce knowledge and understanding. Then, perhaps, teachers, politicians, employers, social workers and the general community may begin to see how their stereotypes are affecting Appalachians. As perceptions change and more people speak out, America might eventually admit that this distinct ethnic, geographic and cultural group has been oppressed for centuries, and continues to be openly discriminated against and stereotyped in what is supposed to be a free and equitable society.
Symbolic interactionism and social constructionism are useful in exploring how the distinct Appalachian cultural group can be categorized as ‘white Americans,’ but treated as something completely different. The theories suggest that recognizing Appalachians as a valid, homogeneous cultural group, and including them in multicultural studies as such, will eventually put an end to their plight as an invisible minority by giving people a way to communicate on the concept of ‘white Americans’ being oppressed by ‘white Americans’ for reasons other than socioeconomic status. Once this concept is established, statistical and historical data, combined with ethnographic observations, will reveal how Appalachians have and continue to experience exploitation, marginalization, powerlessness and cultural imperialism. People will begin to see that they represent a uniform culture with a common mixed-ethnic lineage, and that the way they speak, walk and act are not signs of stupidity or poor genetics. Rather, these things are part of a culture they take pride in: One that Appalachians have managed to maintain for hundreds of years while in the belly of the most powerful cultural imperialist beast on Earth – white America.
Appendix I
Ford, E. (1955). 16 Tons [Recorded by Merle Travis]. On 16 Tons
Sixteen Tons
Some people say a man is made outta mud
A poor man’s made outta muscle and blood
Muscle and blood and skin and bones
A mind that’s a-weak and a back that’s strong
You load sixteen tons, what do you get?
Another day older and deeper in debt
Saint Peter don’t you call me ’cause I can’t go
I owe my soul to the company store
I was born one mornin’ when the sun didn’t shine
I picked up my shovel and I walked to the mine
I loaded sixteen tons of number nine coal
And the straw boss said “Well, a-bless my soul”
You load sixteen tons, what do you get?
Another day older and deeper in debt
Saint Peter don’t you call me ’cause I can’t go
I owe my soul to the company store
I was born one mornin’, it was drizzlin’ rain
Fightin’ and trouble are my middle name
I was raised in the canebrake by an ol’ mama lion
Cain’t no-a high-toned woman make me walk the line
You load sixteen tons, what do you get?
Another day older and deeper in debt
Saint Peter don’t you call me ’cause I can’t go
I owe my soul to the company store
If you see me comin’, better step aside
A lotta men didn’t, a lotta men died
One fist of iron, the other of steel
If the right one don’t a-get you, then the left one will
You load sixteen tons, what do you get?
Another day older and deeper in debt
Saint Peter don’t you call me ’cause I can’t go
I owe my soul to the company store
“Tennessee” Ernie Ford – (also performed by Johnny Cash)
Appendix II
A geographical and traditional definition of Appalachia
Appalachia is defined by the Appalachian Regional Commission (ARC) as a 200,000-square-mile region that follows the spine of the Appalachian Mountains from southern New York to northern Mississippi, representing 410 counties and 23 million people (http://www.arc.gov/index.jsp ). These counties are those originally ranked by the ARC as “distressed,” based on poverty and three-year unemployment rates that were 150 per cent or more above the national average, and per capita market income of two-thirds (or less) of the national average (Byers, n.d.). Statistically, the heart of Appalachia is Kentucky, with almost twice as many distressed counties as any other state in the region. West Virginia follows with 26 distressed counties. Southern New York is no longer included, while other northern states like Pennsylvania and North Carolina only have two or three distressed counties (Bower & Growick, 2003). The Appalachian periphery is undeniably receding. However, rather than bringing the rest of Appalachia closer to national figures on poverty, education and health, receding borders have only resulted in further marginalization of the more isolated areas, such as South-eastern Kentucky (Bower & Growick, 2003). Now more than ever, Appalachians are a minority.
Appendix III
Statistics on Appalachia
When compared with national averages, Appalachians are statistically one of the most oppressed groups in America. One in Five Appalachian children lives in poverty, and at least 40,000 Appalachian children lack health insurance. Nearly 30% of third-graders in Appalachia either have not seen a dentist in the past year, or have never had a dental exam. In some counties, infant mortality rates are more than twice the national average (Bower & Growick, 2003). Urban Appalachians live in highly polluted low-income industrial areas, where they are often exposed to an array of toxic and carcinogenic substances (Whelan, 2003). Many rural Appalachian areas continue to lack basic amenities like running water and indoor plumbing (Mahaney, 2003; Bower & Growick, 2003). Appalachian residents are more likely to die from heart disease at a younger age (Alex, n.d.). They suffer high rates of cervical cancer and some must travel hundreds of miles to the nearest hospital, (“NIH funds 8 centers,” 2003; “Surveillance: Health disparities,” n.d.). In addition to having lower levels of educational attainment, higher substance abuse rates, and lower wages, Appalachians fall short on just about every socioeconomic indicator available (http://www.arc.gov/index.jsp ; Going, Spencer & Krummel, 3003; Schwartz, J., 2004).
Appendix IIII
Theories on non-white ancestry
Recent data suggests that Appalachians had settled in their mountainous habitat long before English colonization (Philipkoski, 2002). Melungeons, often referred to as ‘the lost race of Appalachia,’ are thought to be the first non-indigenous settlers in the region. A prominent Appalachian scholar, Brent Kennedy, notes that Turkish and North African Muslims were captured as slaves by Portuguese in the Mediterranean, and taken to South America, where they were known as mulungos. He traces this ethnic slur back to the Arabic word “mal’ un jinn,” meaning ‘cursed demon’ (Kennedy & Kennedy, 2000). The Portuguese punished disloyal workers by abandoning them on inhospitable shores. Kennedy cites records showing, “at least one such deposit in North America (on Roanoke Island, off of North Carolina, in 1586),” which he believes was not the first occurrence (Kennedy & Kennedy, 2000).
Oral history, passed on by previous generations in Appalachia, includes many stories about Melungeon ancestors, some of whom had already been present when Polish, Irish and English immigrants arrived.
Furthermore, census data from Appalachian during the 1800s shows a large number of people listed as “free persons of colour,” neither black nor white.
Although genetic testing (Philipkoski, 2002), familial anecdotes and historical documents support this theory, it does not account for the cultural and hereditary effects of an influx of impoverished Polish, Irish, English and African immigrants, or interracial marriages with these groups, as well as Native-Americans.
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