The Dilemma of Pakistani Federation
The political parties of the smaller province of Pakistan are against the Kalabagh Dam (KBD). Even the PPP-P can’t risk instigating the ire of Sindhi nationalists for it has launched a campaign against the dam. Although Balochistan has only a remote interest in the issue, it is opposing the KBD on moral grounds because the Sindh and NWFP assemblies have passed resolutions against big reservoirs. Punjab has been the main proponent of the dam, but its support has always backfired, with the result that KBD remains a controversial issue.
KBD has become a zero-sum game between Punjab and the smaller province so the Centre has so far preferred the status quo to ensure its neutrality. When the president or the premier says that dams are vital for Pakistan, it fuels the apprehensions of smaller provinces that the KBD would be built against their wishes. Such perceptions have persisted since the idea of constructing the KBD was conceived. No effort has proved successful in allaying these apprehensions. Since Pakistan is culturally diverse, there are several ethnic identities existing side by side in the four federating units of Pakistan. Sub-nationalism has proved the greatest hurdle in the construction of the KBD, which the Centre insists is essential. The entities calling themselves Sindhis, Pushtoons and Baloch have stood against the dam, while Punjab has become the target of their ire. These so-called nationalities base their claims on territory, language, culture and inalienable rights as part of Pakistan.
The nationalists of smaller provinces often raise the question as to why their leaders face charges of treason so often. Why was Bhutto hanged when Nawaz Sharif was simply exiled? Why could Bengalis not remain loyal to Pakistan despite being in the majority? Why does the federation accede to Punjab’s demand that national resources should be distributed solely on population basis?
With Punjabis dominating the army and federal bureaucracy, the nationalists of smaller provinces argue that true democracy does not suit the interests of Punjab. They question why the defence budget should remain so high when the people of the smaller provinces remain without basic necessities, even in this 21st century. To them, none but Punjab is responsible for the woes of the country as well as its people and wonder why the federation should always follow Punjab?
Punjab is unable to allay suspicions against it. The Federation cannot be expected to do this job for the sole reason that it is supposed to stick to the principle of neutrality. Similarly, the smaller provinces of the country can’t change their ways, for they are bound to tread the trodden path. Can the KBD become a reality with only the support of Punjab? Should the federation construct the dam when three provinces out of four are deadly opposed to it?
The status quo does not favour the federation at all. It needs to remove doubts against it to confront the global age boldly. It simply can’t afford ill feelings among a considerable part of its population. The federation can’t do away with sub-nationalism as the people will not cease to think of themselves as Punjabi, Sindhi, Baloch and Pushtoon.
Granting more autonomy to the provinces will not necessarily prove advantageous to the federation. It has provinces larger than many countries of Europe in terms of size and population. To accommodate the interests of all the people that constitute them would be an uphill task. Lahore, Karachi, Peshawar and Quetta are inaccessible to the majority of the population, even within their respective provinces. The whole of central Pakistan, an area suitable for agriculture and livestock, has the least say in the decision-making process at the provincial level.
Granting autonomy to the provinces will promote parochial tendencies harming the national interest. The newly introduced devolution of power plan will fall prey to any such initiative. There is no guarantee that more autonomy to the provinces will bring consensus on issues concerning economic development and national security. In fact, the disparities among different ethnic groups of these provinces could become wider. Every province has more than one linguistic/cultural group in its fold. A permanent dominance of one on the others will again ultimately harm the interests of the federation.
At the same time, Pakistan can’t delay the construction of water reservoirs. It can’t afford controversies regarding its socio-economic development plans. We have to make our place in the new global age keeping in mind the fact that Pakistan is located in a turbulent neighbourhood. Many a problem will be automatically resolved if Pakistan restructures itself to ensure good governance in the country; improving standards of living by developing the domestic market; and bringing transparency in the working of public institutions. These are the things that are imperative for survival in the global age.
